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faux saint laurent bag was founded with the intention of helping people worldwide discover their unique heritage In a previous Pareto Principle Article it was proven that 80% of races are won by the same 20% of jockeys.
This table shows the results of backing every runner in every race.
3% -23% Fail 4.
In this table jockeys and trainers are both put to the test where a result shows a pass if both the jockey and trainer have Pareto status, whilst the result is a fail if one or both do not have Pareto status.
Similar figures are obtained from putting trainers and sires through the test in that top trainers and top sires will tend to be at the top of the market.Favourites
There will only be 1 or 2 contenders amongst the 3000+ races on the flat turf each year.
You can make money backing single pass jockeys in race if they are favourite, but trainers are definitely overbet.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerging democracies in Eastern and Central Europe began revising their constitutions and statutory laws to guarantee the rights of a free press. As part of that effort, in 1993, I traveled to Bucharest, Romania, to speak at a conference for nongovernmental organizations and other civil society groups. During one of the presentations, a trade union representative stood up and asked, "How do we make the press tell the truth?"
So, no, Trump didn't invent what he called "one of the greatest of all terms I've come up with." But he has been one of the prolific users of it. During his candidacy and since his election, he has applied the label of fake news to virtually any media--the "failing" New York Times, NBC, ABC, CBS, CNN, among others--he disagrees with or doesn't like. But he isn't alone. A poll conducted by Monmouth University reported that three out of four Americans believe that the media routinely report fake news, while a Gallup/Knight Foundation study found that 42 percent of Republicans consider any news stories that cast a political group or politician in a negative light to be fake news. The phrase has become so ubiquitous that Washington Post columnist Margaret Sullivan has argued that it should be discarded because its original meaning--"fabricated stories intended to fool you"--has been distorted beyond recognition.
Despite Trump's incendiary tweets calling "the FAKE NEWS media" "the enemy of the American People," his actual power to take action to curtail their activities has, to date, been limited to largely unsuccessful attempts to exclude credentialed reporters from press briefings. But as Joel Simon of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) observed, in countries with less robust protections than the First Amendment, Trump's words provide authoritarian leaders in countries such as Kenya, Venezuela, and the Philippines the ammunition to suppress opposition media, even as they spread fake video clips and stories through paid commentators and bots. CPJ also reported that out of 262 journalists jailed around the world in 2017, 21 were arrested on "false news" charges. In April 2018, Malaysia, citing national security concerns, enacted the Anti-Fake News Act, which provides that anyone convicted of creating or circulating fake news online or in social media could face imprisonment for up to six years or fines in excess of $120,000.
These examples illustrate how problematic it can be when governmental entities become arbiters of what is true and what is fake. As the Dutch critics argued, governments should be loath to interfere in freedom of the press because "it makes it impossible for the truth to emerge in the public debate." This thinking was at the core of the seminal 1964 U.S. Supreme Court decision, New York Times v. Sullivan.
In other words, Sullivan claimed the publication was fake news. He sought and won $500,000 in damages, without being required under Alabama law to prove that his reputation was actually harmed. But in a decision by Justice William Brennan, the high court reversed, concluding that under the First and Fourteenth Amendments, public officials like Sullivan could prevail in a libel suit only if they were also able to show not only falsity,<\/g> but actual malice on the part of the publisher. This term of art is defined as knowledge that the statement was false,<\/g> or proof that the publisher acted with reckless disregard for the truth. A showing of hatred or ill will, known as common law malice, is not sufficient to meet that test.
In subsequent years, the First Amendment protection expanded to include lawsuits by public figures as well as government officials. Alleging falsity was not enough. No doubt this situation is what prompted Donald Trump, first as a candidate and then as president, to float the idea that the law should be changed.
As frustrating as that might be for Trump, it is exactly Justice Brennan's point. As a commentator in The Federalist observed, freedom of the press is "too important to allow public figures . . . to use the courts to silence the publications of things they didn't like or that made them look bad." This brings us to the heart of the matter: Is Trump really bothered by falsehoods or by truthful reports that make him "look bad"? Libel law in the United States is, as then<\/g>-10th Circuit Judge Neil Gorsuch wrote in Bustos v. A&E Television Networks, "not about compensating for damage done to a false reputation by the publication of hidden facts. It's about protecting a good reputation honestly earned." Libel suits are intended to provide compensation to those whose reputations have been harmed as a result of false statements made with actual malice. By design, that is a very difficult standard to meet.
Focus on Truth, Not Fault
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